Implicit Motives Across Cultures by Athanasios Chasiotis & Jan Hofer IACCP 202 Congress Keynote

[Music] hi i'm jan hoofer from tria university in germany and my colleague arthur casiotes from terryburg university in the netherlands we have the pleasure to present a keynote on implicit motives and the title of the keynote is when a picture story is worth more than a thousand responses implicit motives across cultures before we start with the talk we would like to thank all our collaborators we cannot personally introduce all of you and your valuable contributions but without your help the research during the last almost 20 years would not have been possible thank you again for all your engagement knowledge and also for your hospitality we also would like to thank the agencies for funding our research in the past and hope that they will do so in future before we start with the talk we would like to do a little kind of experiment just imagine we were asked by the congress committee to spontaneously write an introduction to the and we would come up with one of the following introductions a part of you would be introduced to the top by the first another part by the second and the last group by the third intro i go quickly through the introductions when we got the invitation for the keynote we were delighted because the keynote is a wonderful opportunity to present our unique findings and achievements on effects of implicit motives in diverse cultural contexts immediately we concentrated on the task to prepare a fine presentation and we guess that we came up with a nice result we even might win the prize for the best talk we hope that you will enjoy the following 60 minutes and that we will not disappoint your high expectations let's move to the second one we were delighted because the keynote is a wonderful opportunity to get in touch with dear colleagues it was frustrating to learn that the congress will be had online due to the montanak as we were looking forward to personally meet our friends and colleagues in holomuts not seen for quite a while however we enjoyed the time when we were mutually working on the talk we had so much fun we hope that you're fine and will enjoy the following talk and the last one we were delighted because the keynote is something special and we felt really honored to be asked it is also a wonderful opportunity to spread our ideas and to affect people thinking on determinants of human behavior across cultural contexts we hope that we can patch your full attention and that you will remember some of our notions when planning future studies enjoy the following talk wouldn't you get quite different impressions about us about our motives and our personalities in general just have that introductions in mind we will come back to that later let's come to the overview of what you will hear the next approximately 60 minutes researchers produced impressive evidence that implicit motives represent a fundamental source to explain individuals behavior and psychological processes yet still today a little cross-cultural research is available and this is unfortunate as implicit motives are considered a basic and universal component of human's personality in the first part of this keynote we distinguish self-attributed from implicit motives the two types of motors that are typically used to explain individuals behavior and mental processes so thereafter will briefly touch pros and cons of early research on implicit motives in diverse cultural contexts also early pioneering work pointed to culture-specific but also universal aspects of implicit motives the meaningfulness of those findings is difficult to evaluate as research might have been flawed due to the neglect of methodological issues such as the problem of measurement equivalence given such misgivings we will outline recent methodological advancements in measuring implicit motives in the second part given by atta contemporary examples of bias-free cross-cultural research on implicit motives will be presented focusing on studies on motive development and motive congruence but also on the role of implicit motives for the solution of developmental tasks exemplified by generativity and for pro-social behavior in general we will end the talk with a brief outlook on things still to do in research on implicit motives across cultural groups in psychology or personality psychology at least three major elements that universally affect and shape an individual's mental processes social behavior and life adaptations are distinguished we have traits and temperaments these are relatively stable but second we have cognitions such as attitudes beliefs goals and values and finally their implicit motives unfortunately these different components of personality have led basically separate lives with little opportunity for stimulating exchange and this in our view is particularly true for implicit motives that have long been neglected in research on human functioning and behavior so let's turn to the core topic of our talk implicit motives or implicit motivation and when you are asked what energizes selects and guides human behavior and thus giving direction to the development of an individual scholars will give different answers to these questions whether we have access to the motive the push or pull us to act in a specific way or not and thus whether motives or motivation is an explicit or implicit phenomenon or maybe both we come back to that a little later while research on implicit motivational processes that are difficult to access by introspection has been very popular at the beginning it is clearly abated since the 50s or 60s in the last century the conception of motivation as implicit has more and more frequently been ignored in favor of an almost entirely self-report based approach in theorizing and empirical research on motivation such cognitive models of motivation became very popular in the course of the so-called cognitive revolution yet the rejection of this implicit component of personality is premature because implicit motives predict important mental processes and are a decisive determinant of developmental pathways and long-term behavioral trends happily recent years have witnessed a renewed interest in the non-conscious aspects of cognition emotion and behavior that help to explain the complex pattern of human functioning maybe also driven by the sometimes insufficient ecological validity of self-report measurements it has become increasingly evident that experiences thoughts and actions can be influenced by mental contents such as percepts memories thoughts feelings and desires or some event in the current stimulus environment of which we are unaware empirical research is rediscovering the fact that unconscious psychological forces can have profound effects on our behavior also the development of a comprehensive theoretical framework by mclaren and colleagues was a big step forward to overcome the fragmentation within the field of social motivation this model offers a promising integration of diverse findings concepts and theories by considering biologically learned and cognitive components of motivation mclellan and his associates propose that goal directed behavior is caused by two types of different motives namely implicit motives and explicit or self-attributed motives they argue that implicit and explicit motives are required and shaped at different times in onto genesis are linked to different classes of behavior and crucially must be assessed by different methods and this you can see in the table you see the differences between implicit and explicit motives in the time of development in learning processes in the representation and realization and then to which behavior they are linked and finally in the type of measurements used to assess implicit and explicit motives most research on implicit motives is done on the so-called big three of motivation there might be other motives but there's wide agreement among scholars that these three motives underlie most of humans drivings and behavioral acts and these motives are the need for achievement the need for affiliation and the need for power and the core of each of these motives is it to gain positive effective experiences associated with motive satisfaction and to avoid negative effects when motives are frustrated and as you see the incentive for the implicit achievement motive is mastery of challenging tasks or to do something better for the need for affiliation it is the establishment of maintaining of relationships with others or feelings to be close to others and the core of the need for power is to have impact on others behavior and emotions and you also see in the tables in the negative incentives and these are fair rejection loneliness and to be dominated by others in other words implicit motives cover questions like where do i feel well and where do i experience certain kind of emotions in contrast explicit motives relate to an individual self-concept and answer questions like who am i and what do others expect of me both systems might be aligned to each other or what is often the case not for example persons may describe themselves as being ambitious and achievement oriented but deep inside they do not enjoy difficult tasks and challenges uttar will focus on this topic and the second part of the keynote as outlined in the table and differences between implicit and explicit motives implicit motives are revealed in people's spontaneous behavior and in their fantasy thus you can code lots of material for motives such as speeches newspaper articles even school books or on the individual level fantasy stories but now let's come back to the preliminary example or the little experiment you remember the three divergent introductions and if you would code the introductions according to david winter's well-established manual for scoring implicit motives the first introduction is full of achievement related indicators their references to unique accomplishments to do things good or better reaching a standard of excellence but also the fear to fail in achievements in contrast the second one is concerned with affiliation with friendship negative feelings because of problems in initiating or maintaining relationships and their mentioned affiliation-oriented activities and a concern for the welfare of others and finally the last one offers hints at the speaker's power motives by including references to fame and status and the concern for the influence on other people's thinking and behavior and that is how implicit motives work their our spontaneous behavior and are realized by our other people by things we do or things we don't do and you can measure other people's implicit motives at a distance from the behavior and that is what david winter and his work on implicit motives of presidents of the us has done for example if you're interested in this exciting line of research and if you would like to learn about the similarities of donald trump and the last german kaiser wilhelms ii i refer you to the fascinating work of david okay but let's come back to the methods typically used in research at the individual level here first we have the classic approach the picture story exercise based on the classical thematic perception test developed by morgan murray almost 90 years ago and when doing the pse people are asked to write a brief story to a variety of picture verbal stimuli and the stories are subsequently coded for motive imagery which reflects the strength of the big three not focusing particularly on motive strengths but also in modes of motif realization the omt the operand motif test or the upper and multimotive test has the advantage that participants do not have to write a complete story but briefly have to answer three sometimes the last question is omitted or for questions while the first answer typically reflects the motive the next questions are used to code the mode of motive realization and both instruments have shown to be valid methods for the assessment of motors in diverse cultural groups let's move to the next chapter of the talk to early cultural studies on implicit motives and above all to recent progress in the measurement of implicit motives across cultural contexts until the mid-60s in the last century the use of the medical perception methods was popular in cultural and cross-cultural research investigating the national character or various facets of personality like attitudes values and the role behavior it was often assumed that these methods of create problems of self-report such as participants unwillingness or inability to give relevant information and true attitudes or fear of social disapproval cross-cultural studies on implicit motives were probably set off by the ground-breaking work of mclaren and colleagues on the need for achievement so it seems peril is surprising that most work on motivation in different cultural contexts focused on achievement in principle two lines of research are distinguishable the assessment of implicit motives at the collective and at the individual level at the collective level mcclelland and his associates used the innovative method of content coding for tales literature children's readers an artistic expression to measure the level of implicit motives of a certain cultural group at a certain period of time in their history stories read by children in public schools were chosen as material indicative of collective achievement concern because of their comparability across countries in story length imaginativeness and in the extent to which stories were relatively uninfluenced by historical events furthermore it was assumed that material which educational authorities think is right for children to read in school may well represent the basic motivational ideas of spirit of the times in a country the measured national level of for example achievement was then related to various social cultural outcomes indicative of economic growth or decline in the following decades another focus of research on collective level scores of motives highlighted developmental issues of implicit needs in particular socialization practices associated with the formation of the need for achievement early research on implicit motives across cultures at the individual level is more difficult to evaluate as concerted research efforts were rarely present as with research on the collective level most research focused on antecedence and correlates of the need for achievement there are some pros and cons of early work on implicit motives let's come to the pros several studies have shown statistically significant differences in the need for achievement between groups of individuals drawn from culturally divergent groups and societies it is very likely that genuine differences in need for achievement really reported by those studies that linked its findings on motive strengths meaningfully to for example antecedents of motive's formation such as dominant child ruling practices thus considering the motives nomological network on the other side the findings on cross-cultural differences or similarities in motive strength with culturally divergent samples seem to mean more problematic as methodological flaws cannot be ruled out similarly sporadic early research across cultures focusing on needs for power and affiliation must await methodologically sophisticated replications before a comprehensive evaluation of these research efforts may be attempted thus already in the 1960s lindsay argued that these studies often might be seriously biased and here we started our work some years ago and in our aim to develop bias-free methods to assess implicit motives across cultural groups i guess utter and myself probably like many others of us were very much influenced by the work of our dear colleagues franz van der faver and quaklion who are deeply missed by many of us in their classic book methods and data analysis for cross-cultural research they describe different levels of measurement equivalence and associated sources of bias namely construct wise method bias and item price and these sources of bias have different origin construct bias for example of course when culture bound meaning and your behavioral indicators of constructs are present the method bias can be subdivided into the sample instrument and administration bias here so it's concerned with methodological procedural aspects of cross-cultural research and finally item bias refers to characteristics of single test items or pictures and as you know these different sources of bias have consequences how we can use the data if we can use it at all for cross-cultural comparisons or if we have to be careful when for example comparing means and relationships between constructs related to implicit motive research constant bias is reflected for example by indigenous facets of the need for achievement for example a number of studies report a so-called social oriented nature of the need for achievement in non-western cultures second there is a risk of mass advice this source of bias is not exclusively related to the assessment of implicit motives but reflects problems generally related to the assessment procedure such as sample differences in knowledge of test language then in their familiarity with test methods or receive test instructions and finally there's item bias and this refers to the adequacy of single queues selected for motif assessments i will just briefly mention what we did to control for sources of bias in our research let's come first to the construct bias we were not aiming to develop indigenous measures as those measures do not allow cross-cultural comparisons rather we collaborated with local cultural experts and tested the cultural fit of construct definitions and coding manuals in pre-tests with respect to method bias we secured the recruitment of balanced samples and implemented standardized assessment procedures as far as possible however we also adapted assessment instructions to make above all participants in non-western cultural contexts more familiar with test methods and finally with respect to item or picture queues we follow two approaches first we identify the relevant picture cues for motive assessment in collaboration with local experts and second after data assessment statistical tools were implemented to identify and exclude biased items before analyzing study hypothesis here a few examples of picture cues used in research on implicit motives early researchers aim to develop picture sets that are closely adapted to the cultural ethnic background of participants see in the top right for example here new pictures were developed that were assumed to reflect the context of participants or pictures typically used in western contexts were adapted it was hypothesized that the ethnically inclusive pse would enhance the narratives of respondents our own findings but also findings reported by scots 2008 do not allow the conclusion that it is necessary to culturally adapt picture cues rather picture sets used in cross-cultural research ought to be depict relevant contexts and should be screened for including culture-specific cues for example the pictured repeats artists that is typically used in western cultural contexts may not be suitable to assess motives in cultural contexts where this is an unknown situation for example i remember the stories wrote by by sami and adolescence they do not write about artists in the circus they wrote about witches flying through the air another example is the architect at the task it has a strong pool for affiliation in western context you see the little picture at the desk depicting a family among non-western participants from sub-saharan africa this little detail is often overlooked and the picture has a strong pull for achievement you see the white collars vocation situation and the final example refers to the coupled by approach also a picture typically used in research with euro-american samples it has a strong pull for affiliation in western groups but additionally we found a moderate pool for achievement in non-western groups so many stories focused on the well-designed bridge what we did in research we omitted the bridge and you see now the couple is sitting at the sea thus cues ought to be seriously screened for suitability to arouse a certain emotions in diverse cultural contexts and that's the end of the first part many thanks for your attention and utter please it's your turn okay thank you young for the first part i will now continue with empirical results on implicit motives and before we start i would like to say something about the theory guided selection of the research sites which has to do with our theoretical background that we are interested also in universals and from our perspective cross-cultural psychology appears to be a mainly difference driven so as we have the quote here what we mean by that is that we are more interested in similarities and differences and not in differences alone and there is a certain implicit bias towards differences that's why the research objective was to examine universal patterns among psychological constructs and that's why we needed a selection of council samples that are as different as possible we have here the cultural samples in a table i won't delve into that not in too much detail i also won't do that in many other slides because you are also free to um look them up after my talk uh when they will be available so what you can see here at the first glance and then a brief glance is that we try to have a variance regarding crucial parameters on cultural differences so that we could be sure as jan already um uh introduced in the first part that we have a culturally informed set of instruments which is working in different and diverse areas around the world so first i will give you some brief uh empirical results on the development of motifs it will be a selection anyway with our um with the results i will present so i will only focus now on one um a developmental study we did on the development of motives it's a lack of um research in the search for the development of implicit motivation and this is really an interesting area for future research we did one regarding the behavioral correlates of the big three this is a reprise of what jan already um has shown in the first part uh what's important to add here to the table you already saw is that we focus on the behavioral correlates as an outcome of implicit motivation and mainly on pro-social behavior in the power domain so what you can see here is the behavioral coordinates of power as an example that there can be career advancement to be a manager to be a leader prestige can be part of the motivation as a behavioral outcome and exploitative behavior but also pro social behavior and this is something which has also to do with the dual nature of power we often have as a lay person a more negative view on power but according to motivation psychology power has also positive sides for example that you care about people that you want to help them that you want to support them that's why pro-social behavior according to that definition can be a behavioral correlate of implicit power motivation so that's also one of the background statements we need to have in mind uh regarding the results but let's now go to the developmental study we did in 2010 where we compared um cameroonian and german preschoolers regarding their implicit motivation we had a modified child omt measure for implicit motivation and we also measured autobiographical memory and false belief understanding and first of all we um identified two different motive realizations in children where we also found [Music] intercultural differences between the cameroonian and the german sample namely that the interdependent motive realization was more pronounced in the german sample and this also has connections to the false belief understanding and the autobiographical memory to put the results in a nutshell is that the differentiations and narratives in the autobiographical memory correlates with the independent implicit motive orientation and with theory of mind which means that autobiographical memory in the preschool years seems to mediate the relationship between theory of mind understanding and implicit motive orientation so this is one of the few or almost only study until now where we have a first glimpse on the connections between autobiographical memory on the one hand and theory of mind on the other but there's still a lot of work to be done to see how these um motive developments occurs during emerges and occurs during the preschool years then we come to motive congruence as one of the dominant fields also in implicit motivation as jan already gave an example of how it can be um connected so the the relationship between the implicit part of motivation and the explicit part of motivation can be in can be regarded in at least two different ways namely that if you are implicitly motivated for example to be affiliation motivated or to be a leader so power motivated the explicit motivation regarding affiliation can be for example that you say that you strive for a career but this in the end is incongruent with your implicit motivation of being more affiliation motivated and this can cause also trouble regarding your psychological functioning as we will see in a moment regarding the leadership implicit motivation and if you are also explicitly striving to be a leader then you are congruent and then the idea is that you are happier if the explicit motivation that's that's what you state and what you're aware of is in line with what you feel and represent implicitly then you are happier than if the explicit motivation does not correlate or is not consistent with your implicit motivation so the consequences of motive congruence incongruence in a nutshell is that you have less satisfaction upon goal progress there is impairment of subjective well-being and life satisfaction you can show psychosomatic symptoms there also correlates with depression there are impairments of self-regulation and there is also a less flow experience these are all um well-known effects of motive congruence but not across cultures so what we did and one of the pioneering work regarding our our research on implicit motives across cultures is that we demonstrated in the end repeatedly that motive incongruence effects on life satisfaction for example um seem to be universal so we we could demonstrate in many different samples that motive congruence leads to higher levels of life satisfaction so let's look at the explicit motives at the beginning so exposed motors can give meaning and direction to life and the commitment to and the successful pursuit of goals can also help you to have higher life satisfaction emotional well-being less depressive symptoms and also higher levels of happiness so that's on the explicit level but what we found is that this relationship can be moderated by implicit motivation so in the domains of achievement affiliation and power we found that the the interaction of the implicit corresponding motive with the explicit goals can moderate uh the effect it has on life satisfaction so to put it i will show you an example of the first study we did so the hypothesis was that the congress between explicit life codes and implicit motives will go along with higher levels of life satisfaction and the results was that there were that motive goal congruence in the domains of affiliation and achievement are significantly related to higher levels of satisfaction with life so if you have strong affiliation intimacy goals uh the higher the implicit need for affiliation the higher is the satisfaction with life and if you have weak affiliation intimacy goals is the lower the implicit need for inflation the lower the satisfaction with life so the the interplay of explicit and implicit intimacy or achievement motivation in this case is a better predictor for life satisfaction than the main effect of the explicit motivation you can get through self-reports alone this is one of the reasons why we decided to have the title of this keynote like that so this is a second example where we did the same in a larger samples in a larger set of samples with from cameroon costa rica in germany and there you can see that the level of life satisfaction in its relationship to the association of implicit and explicit affiliation motivation is similar across three cultures so that the higher both aspects of motivation are so the dual system of motivation again the higher is also a life satisfaction then we come to the case of generativity this is the concern for establishing and guiding the next generation and the desire to invest one substance in forms of life and work that will outlive the self there are many outlive the self there are many different aspects you can count as being generative for example upbringing of biological children but also care for other children also the transmission of skills and knowledge as a teacher for example or the transmission of cultural values this is all an overarching the overlapping concept of it would be generativity and we found in a also cross-cultural a set of samples that we could verify the cross-cultural applicability of the model of mcadams and descent open regarding general relativity and the measures of implicit pro-social power motivation in interplay with cultural expectations can are predictive for generative concern and in the end also for generative behavior across different three different cultural samples from cameroon costa rica and germany now we come to the case of implicit persuasion power motivation because uh we will delve a bit more into that because we have a huge set of findings regarding that interesting aspect of uh power motivation first of all um i would like to give you um the connection to parenting and pro-social power motivation so we can use the motivation for parenthood as an example of how you can use the implicit motivation to predict behavioral correlates which are related to a biological outcomes like having children or being becoming a parent and we considered interactions with younger siblings to measure that the idea was that the baby facedness the famous kinty and shimmer lawrence already postulated 1943 is helping to develop an implicit motivation for pro-social caring behavior so if you are an interaction with individuals which show baby-faceness uh it were your implicit motivation to develop a caring motivation will be higher that was the idea and that's why we also measured the implicit no the number of siblings of younger siblings you have in a certain family you are in and this is how we measure the childhood context variables of implicit pro-social power motivation this is one example of the omt picture set there they say she guides the younger ones as the most important thing and she's patient and why does the person feel this way because as the older one she has to guide the younger ones and we can we came to the idea that this sounds a bit as if you are the older sibling and then we wanted to know if this idea to interpret a picture like that according to the implicit uh pro-social power motivation might be related to the fact that you have younger siblings or that you are an older sibling and we found that it is related to that and we come up with this idea then to have to test the developmental pathway to parenthood and the idea was that the interaction with younger siblings in childhood would foster the development of an implicit caregiving motivation which in turn leads to an explicit love for children in adulthood and this will ultimately predict parenthood in germany cameroon and costa rica and we found out that psychological mechanisms leading to parenthood are equivalent for men and women and across cultures and the idea here is that implicit caregiving and motivation is the missing link between the childhood context of younger siblings and the love for children which finally leads to parenthood so there is no direct correlation between younger siblings in love for children but if you include implicit caregiving motivation this leads to the idea that the existence of younger siblings can have an impact on the the fact if you become a parent later so this is actually a psychological or motivational psychological [Music] explanation or further elaboration of the demographic correlation we already know that there is a certain correlation between the amount of siblings you have and the amount of children you will have but this is of course a more sociological or demographic correlation and this is one way to find out how this psychologically could work so that the idea is here that if you interact with younger siblings in a young age this is more likely that you will develop implicit caregiving motivation and this implicit character motivation is related to the explicit love for children which finally is related to parenthood the last one is of course a bit trivial but it's what's also interesting is that this implicit caregiving motivation is not it does not show any gender differences although love for children as we would expect from social viability and gender stereotyping women score higher than males on that scale but not in regarding implicit caregiving motivation and what's also interesting is that it's not important which cultural group you look at so and also the gender um is not important regarding that pathway you can identify that pathway independent of culture and gender so it doesn't matter if you have cameroonian males or german females the pathway is stable regarding that so we replicated that the impact of a number of siblings to implicit pro-social motivation in many different studies which followed the one we did the pioneering study i just showed you in 2006 which means that the amount of implicit social motivation of an individual is more related to contextual variables like number of siblings and paternal as yes than to the cultural origin of the individuals so it's more important to know if you come from a family which was not wealthy and had many siblings then to know if that person is from cameroon or from hong kong or from the us and that's i think from a developmental perspective a really interesting result which means that you need to know the family context of an individual which might be more interesting regarding the psychological outcome of this individual as an adult than the cultural origin of it of that person okay now we come to another set of findings uh regarding pro-social motivation which is related to helping i have to be a bit quicker now so the hypothesis was that planned helping is more strongly driven by conscious cognition and therefore explicit pre-social motivation should be a sufficient motivational antecedent of planned helping regardless of implicit personal motivation so what you see here is that independent if implicit motivation is high or low if explicit motivation is high it's more likely to show planned help and if if it's low it's less likely no matter and it doesn't really matter what the implicit motivation is uh yes the amount of implicit motivation but spontaneous help requires immediate responses with much consideration without much consideration and is therefore more likely to be driven also by implicit automatic processes and then in this case the effect of explicit pro-social motivation on spontaneous help should be moderated by implicit motivation so explicit pro-social motivation should only lead to spontaneous help when implicit motivation is also high but not but implicit motivation is low and this is exactly what we found in three studies that spontaneous help is actually the effect of explicit motivation on spontaneous help is moderated by implicit motivation but not regarding planned helping i will have to skip that you can take a look at it i think it's also self-explanatory um these were the dependent variables we made three studies on on them um and the result is what i just said that we could find with different with three different outcome variables so real life helping self-reported helping and spontaneous helping and volunteering that planned helping is independent of implicit pro-social motivation but spontaneous helping also depends on the moderating effect of implicit prosocial motivation so implicit prosocial motivation is more predictive for spontaneous helping than for planned help which i think is really an interesting result regarding the motivational underpinnings of pro-social behavior so that's a difference if you want to predict plant helping or spontaneous helping there you need the dual system of motivation to do that in a proper manner another interesting finding regarding this aspect of pro-social power motivation is the role of parenthood we took parenthood because it's one of the most significant turning points in life and there are also links between implicit pro-sociality parenthood and generativity um as we indirectly already showed uh that it is related uh with implicit pro social power motivation and we wanted to replicate once more if there is again this um uh connection with parenthood and implicit social power motivation and we wanted to know how volunteering and implicit power motivation is related to parenthood so the hypothesis were that the universal developments of implicit and explicit power motivation that implicit power motivation is related positively to the number of younger siblings we could replicate that that explicit power motivation is more related to pro-social norms of close others and also more related to social desirability while the motives to volunteer can be a function of parenthood so that parents volunteering is more related to implicit motivation why non-parents volunteering is more related to explicit pro-social motivation and this is exactly what what we found in turkish and us american parents uh the um volunteer the motivation for volunteering is more implicit for parents than for non-parents so the explicit prosocial motivation is more predictive for volunteering if you're not a parent while you're more likely to be a volunteer if you are a parent then the implicit if you're implicit implicit prosocial motivation is higher okay so um beyond cultural context and age parenthood can moderate the effect of motivational and decisions or volunteering and that parents volunteering was more related to implicit pro-social motivation while non-parents volunteering was more related to explicit social motivation i skipped that okay this is one summary of what i just described in a bit more detail so we have different antecedents mainly two childhood ses and the number of siblings and we could replicate them repeatedly that they have an impact on the amount of implicit per social motivation of course this is not a developmental relationship we found here but it would be interesting of course to trace it also longitudinally but what we can say is that retrospectively these antecedents have an impact on implicit prosocial power motivation and we can could also show that this implicit measure has many multiple outcomes on parenthood on generativity on helping and on volunteering so now we come to the overall conclusion there are at least methodological consequences on sample selection study design and instruments when we found out that uh childhood context variables can have an influence on outcome variables which are interested or interesting in the cross-cultural domain so you should control for them number of siblings and parental ses uh influential childhood context variables control or investigate them of course childhood context effects are different from ecological or economic determinism so this is also an interesting um side result we have that the parental issues is more predictive for your values you have for example as an adult than your own economic situation and the idea behind that is i don't want to delve into that so that there seems to be seem to be sensitive periods in early and people virtual childhood where we get more or less prepared to what to expect from our environment we grow up in and so that there are ontogenetic age-dependent influences of these childhood context effects so there are still promising these are still promising developments but fundamental work still needs to be done as i already said there are developmental antecedents of motives and behavioral correlates for example we have the the finding that implicit motivation in preschoolers is related to significant social cognitive abilities like mentalistic and understanding and to culture-specific self-control construals so there is a lot of work to be done to find out how these um interesting milestones in the development of children develop cross-culturally and also under consideration of implicit motivation so the take-home message overall we think is that if we are able to do a better job at predicting behavior both across and within social groups we need to supplement our typical reliance on explicit measures with implicit measures of motivation beliefs and values and i hope that jan and i could give you some good arguments why we think that way and i hope that you can join us in this interesting endeavor and fascinating endeavor in the future thank you very much for your attention [Music]